Cum grano salis – Salt and Prestige Cultural interaction between east and west. Archaeology, artefacts and human contacts in northern Europe during the pre- and early history. Eds. Ulf Fransson et al, Stockholm 2007. 227 Late Viking Age and Early Medieval T-Shaped and Cylindrical Salt Containers Dr. Sten Tesch, Museum director, Sigtuna Museum, Sigtuna, Sweden. | Ten years ago an unusual find was made in central Sigtuna. The excavation site was located between the main street and todayʼs shoreline (fig. 1a). The item in question was found in 11th–century layers deposited into Lake Mälaren, approximately 10 metres from the Late VikingAge shoreline (fig. 1b). It was made of elk antler, from the part where the antler bifurcates. The size of the Tshaped piece is about 6 centimetres. It is hollowed out and has three oval openings. Incised decoration covers both sides, different on each side and tentatively united over the ʻshouldersʼ of the object (T1, fig. 2 and 3). An animated discussion about the function of the object took place between the archaeologists during the excavation, but a satisfactory interpretation was never found. Later, the answer was discovered in a richly illustrated book about the marvellous finds from the Novgorod-excavations: Drevnij Novgorod (1985). A similar T-shaped object was there interpreted as a salt container (T15, fig. 4). In the same publication, two cylindrical objects were also designated as salt containers (C7 and 8, fig. 5), which in turn led to the identification of a comparable cylindrical container from Sigtuna, found in 1924 (Floderus 1942:102) (C1, fig. 6 and 7). The book Drevnij Novgorod is also a link to Ingmar Jansson. Fifteen years ago the author of this article and two colleagues participated in a research exchange, organized by Ingmar, between Sweden and Russia. During two unforgettable weeks we visited the Hermitage museum in St. Petersburg as well as the excavations in Staraja Ladoga, Rjurikovo Gorodišče and Novgorod. It was on that occasion, at a booksellerʼs shop in Novgorod, that the book Drevnij Novgorod was bought. Naturally it was Ingmar who seven years later translated the short text describing the T-shaped object in the photo. After the truth about the mysterious item had been revealed, my interest in salt containers was awakened. Now and then information about other containers has turned up. I have also had the privilege to accompany Ingmar twice to Kiev, Ukraine, where there were also salt containers for me to discover. Now, when Ingmar is to be honoured with a Festschrift, I sten.tesch@sigtuna.se feel that the time is right to publish my small inquiries into these salt containers. The list of salt containers that is presented here (Table I), has no pretensions of being complete. My inquiries into major museum collections and archaeological literature, together with questions to colleagues, have on the other hand been widespread enough to confirm that they are unusual finds. If they really are salt containers, their rarity is all the more interesting. Consequently, this raises many questions about salt, its meaning and its importance, during the Late Viking Age and Early Middle Ages in Scandinavia and in the Slavic areas of Europe. Salt Containers T-shaped containers In the absence of a better term, I have chosen to use ʻTshaped containerʼ to designate a salt container made of a piece of antler with three openings. This term has also been used by other authors, in spite of the fact that the objects turned right-way-round form an upside-down T. Maybe that is the reason why many of the containers are illustrated upside down. The containers are in most cases made of the antler from red deer. The size of the objects, for natural reasons, does not vary much. The length between the side openings varies between 10 and 20 centimetres with a height between 6 and 12 centimetres. The material, elk antler, as well as the size, 3.5–5.5 centimetres long and 5.8 centimetres high, distinguishes the Sigtuna container from the others. These differences in both size and shape are due to the natural differences between the antler of red deer and elk. T-shaped containers made of red deer antler have been found over a large part of the European continent, but with a concentration in Central Europe: Hungary, Czech Republic, Slovakia and north western Germany. The chronological span is wide, from the 7th to the 12th century. Since the occurrence of T-shaped salt containers is sporadic the literature is, to the best of my knowledge, limited to minor articles and mere citings in excavation reports. The Czech researcher Nadà Profantová is the only scholar Fig. 1a. Fig. 1a. Today´s Sigtuna, the sites where the containers T1 and C1 have been found. Fig. 1b. Sigtuna c. 1000 AD, the sites where the containers T1 and C1 have been found. Fig. 1b. 228 Cultural interaction between east and west. Archaeology, artefacts and human contacts in northern Europe during the pre- and early history. Eds. Ulf Fransson et al, Stockholm 2007. 2. Finds from west Slavic hill forts in the Czech Republic and Slovakia (end of 8th century and 9th century). The most important site is Mikulcice in Slovakia where a great number of containers and semi-products have been found. 3. Finds from south Slavic cemeteries in Dalmatia and the Danube basin (9th century). 4. Finds from west Slavic settlements and fortified island settlements in Germany, east of the Elbe and Poland. Profantová very briefly discusses the fourth group. Other scholars who have published containers from the fourth group (e.g. von Müller & von Müller-Mici 1993) divide the total material into two groups: one earlier Avar/Slavic group concentrated in Hungary, the Czech Republic and Slovakia, and a second later, west Slavic group concentrated in north-eastern Germany, east of the Elbe (distribution maps in Grimm 1957, Becker 1980) (fig. 8). The earlier group is considered to have been the prototype of the later group (Herrman 1985:281) (fig. 12). A few older Tshaped containers (group 2) have also been found in west Slavic territory, for instance the containers from Parchim and Quetzin in Germany (Becker 1980 Fig. 19a and 20a). Fig. 2. T-shaped container, Sigtuna (T1) (Photo: Gabriel Hildebrand, National Board of Antiquites). Fig. 3. T-shaped container, Sigtuna (T1). The decoration on both sides (Drawing: Jacques Vincent). 1 After the manuscript had been finished (2003) I was informed about a new article written by Dr. Mechtild Schulze-Dörrlamm: ʻHerkunft und Funktion der dreizpfligen Geweihbehälter des Frühen und Hohen Mittelaltersʼ (Jahrbuch des RömishGermanischen Zentralmuseums Mainz, 48 Jahrgang 2001, Teil 2. MainzBonn 2003:529–557). Her list of T- and Y(!)-shaped containers have 89 entries. Some of the entries are semi-products and some entries contain more than one object. Unfortunately it has not been possible to add her somewhat different interpretations (origin, dating and function) to the discussion in this article. I hope to do that in a future article about these fascinating objects. to have made a general survey of the total material, but only as an outline in an article concentrating on other objects (1992).1 Profantová considers the T-shaped containers to be one of the Avar contributions to European culture. She counts 55 known sites where such containers have been found, and divided them into four separate geographical/ chronological groups as follows: 1. Finds from Avar cemeteries in Hungary and adjoining countries. This is the most numerous and oldest group (7th–8th centuries). Most containers were found in menʼs graves, mainly major rich warrior graves. A good half of the containers were located at the hips, which indicates that they had been worn hanging from the belt. The Sigtuna container and its context The town of Sigtuna was founded in the 970s or c. 980 A.D. The archaeological material is considerable and wide-ranging. Not least, excavations in the past two decades have led to a decisive change in the way Sigtunaʼs rise and function is to be understood. The earliest town plan can now be both dated and reconstructed (fig. 1b). The archaeological material shows that the town was planned and constructed in one fell swoop. One reasonable interpretation is that the king, Erik Segersäll (c. 970–95), lay behind this. The town functioned as an administrative, political and ideological power centre in a region, Lake Mälaren, where royal power was weak. Sigtuna was a fully Christianised town from the start and it became the seat of a bishop in the 1060s. The new faith functioned both as a means of breaking the dominant position of the heathen petty kings and chieftains and as a means of binding the kingdom together (Tesch 1996b and 2001). Comprehensive contacts with Rusʼ, Byzantium and the western Slavs is supported by historically recorded dynastic marriage alliances as well as numerous archaeological finds of Slavic origin (Roslund 1990, 2003). More finds from 11th- and 12th-century Rusʼ and Byzantium have been excavated in Sigtuna than anywhere else in Scandinavia (Tesch 2004). The T-shaped Sigtuna-container, found in 11th-century layers, belongs thus both typologically and chronologically to the west Slavic group 4, according to Profantovà´s classification. I have therefore chosen to concentrate on this group for this study. All group 4 containers known to me are listed in table I. Each container in the list has been designated with the letter T and a number. I have also listed all semi-products with the designation TS and a number. All in all, there are 31 items listed, of which 20 are containers and 11 semi-products. More than half (9 containers and 8 semi-products) come from about ten sites in a limited area between the Elbe and Oder, in Mecklenburg and the northern part of Mark Brandenburg. No less than 8 items (4 containers and 4 semi-products) come from one site, Berlin-Spandau (fig. 9). This site and most of the others in this area are fortified island settlements (Burgwall Insel). The remaining containers and semi-products, with the exception of the Sigtuna specimen, have a wide distribution among the western and eastern Slavs: Poland (3 containers, 2 semi-products) (fig. 10 and 11), Belarus (1 container), Russia (1 container) (fig. 4) and Ukraine (5 containers, 1 semi-product). Cultural interaction between east and west. Archaeology, artefacts and human contacts in northern Europe during the pre- and early history. Eds. Ulf Fransson et al, Stockholm 2007. 229 Fig. 6. Cylindrical container, Sigtuna (C1) (Photo: Gabriel Hildebrand, National Board of Antiquites). Fig. 4. T-shaped salt container, Novgorod (T15) (After Drevnij Novgorod 1985). Fig; 5. Cylindrical salt container, Novgorod (C8) (After Drevnij Novgorod 1985). Other T-shaped objects Sigtuna produced a related T-shaped object, also made of elk antler. The only difference is a (fourth) square opening in the ʻbottomʼ of the object. The objects of this kind known to me are few: Russia (1), Poland (1) and Sweden (2). They are all undecorated and lack rivet-holes around the side openings, which is typical of the listed containers. I believe an object like this could have been used as the upper part of a crutch-handled stick or as a tool-handle. The other Swedish T-shaped object with a square opening is a peat-bog find (1924). It was published in a short article, ʻHammare eller penningväska?ʼ (ʻHammer or purse?ʼ), in Fornvännen fifty years ago (1954) by Andreas Oldeberg and Birger Nerman, who presented two different opinions. Oldeberg thought it was a Bronze Age hammerhead (1954:53). Nerman, on the other hand, compared it with Avar containers and interpreted it as some kind of container, probably a purse, and dated it to the Early Iron Age (1954:56). Finally, there is an additional group of finds made of bone or antler, interpreted as saddle-mounts, that resemble T-containers, but their cross-section is semi-circular or slightly curved. They have almost the same distribution as the T-shaped containers from Poland, Hungary and Ukraine (Grimm 1957:247f. map; Žak 1963: fig. 91:1 and 106; Fuglesang 1991: fig. 20). The decoration on these objects is sometimes sketchy and other times well executed in ʻScandinavian styleʼ. Though they are related, I have chosen not to discuss them further in this article. Theoretically, it is possible to produce two saddle-mounts from one container. Fig. 7. Cylindrical container, Sigtuna (C1). The decoration on both sides (Drawing: Jacques Vincent). 230 Cultural interaction between east and west. Archaeology, artefacts and human contacts in northern Europe during the pre- and early history. Eds. Ulf Fransson et al, Stockholm 2007. Fig. 8. The distribution of Tshaped containers in Central Europe. From south to north: group 1, 2 and 4 according to Profantovà (After Becker 1980). Fig. 9. T-shaped container, BerlinSpandau, Germany (T5) (After von Müller & von Müller-Muči 1993). Cylindrical containers As a group, the cylindrical containers are not as homogenous as the T-shaped containers. They are less numerous with only 10 examples listed, and the interpretation as salt-container is not quite as secure. The distribution of these finds is also different: Sweden (2) (fig. 6 and 7), Norway (1) (fig. 13), England (2), Spain (1), Russia (3) (fig. 5) and Ukraine (1) (fig. 14). The Spanish container, with a secondary use as a reliquary, may, however, have been brought to Spain by Vikings from the Isle of Man (Skamby-Madsen 1994:19). These objects are generally described in a neutral way as ʻbone cylindersʼ. The only occurrence of the designation ʻsalt containerʼ that I have found is in connection with the two Novgorod cylinders (C7 and 8) (Drevnij Novgorod 1985). There are however several traits common to both T-shaped containers and cylindrical containers, which strengthen their interpretation as salt containers. Among the listed cylindrical containers, designated with the letter C and a number, there are at least two uncertain items, designated C? Material and manufacture The T-shaped containers are in most cases made of red deer antler, more specifically from the middle part of the horn at a suitable sprout (fig. 15). The method of production has been thoroughly described by Becker (1989) and can be studied on the basis of the semi-products that have been found. The first step was to hollow out the piece of antler that had been sawn off. In that way a thinwalled cavity with three round openings was obtained. In order to function as a (salt) container, the two side openings had to be sealed, while the opening at the antler sprout was left open or possible to be opened. Therefore, four small rivet-holes were drilled around each of the side openings to allow them to be sealed with a wooden plug or a flat piece of antler fastened with small metal rivets or pins. It has also been suggested that the openings could have been sealed with a piece of leather fastened with two crossing pegs (Becker 1989:122). On many containers, two diametrically opposed holes have been drilled close to the edge of the upper opening. These holes are usually slightly larger than the rivet-holes. The purpose was probably to facilitate hanging the containers from the belt or alternatively for some kind of temporary locking device. The west Slavic T-shaped containers are considered to have been produced by indigenous craftsmen. Some of them have been found in workshops that specialised in producing combs and various other antler items. In the excavation of the urban fortification Berlin-Spandau, several finished examples (T2-5), half-finished pieces (TS1-4) and even a negative, waste antler fragment were found in the same occupation phase (second half of the 11th century) within a radius of some metres. They lay inside or near a house (Becker 1989:142). The shape and the use of the containers is, however, of Avar origin and the decoration reflects influences from different directions (Becker 1980:165). Owing to the fact that the Sigtuna container is made of elk antler, its shape differs from the others. It is shorter, more compact and the openings are oval. In contrast to other contemporary sites, in Sigtuna only elk antler, not red deer, was used by the comb-makers. Consequently, the Sigtuna containers appear to have been produced in Sigtuna by professional hands. The cylindrical containers are made of antler or bone. They are also completely hollowed out and have two openings. Along the top edge of the Sigtuna container (C1) (fig. 2), and the two Novgorod containers (C7-8) (fig. 5), there is a narrow ridge through which a hole is drilled. This indicates that most of these containers ought to have been worn hanging in a horizontal position. One evident exception is the Ukrainian example (C9) (fig. 14), where both the shape and the two suspension holes around the small opening show that it was hung in a vertical position. There are even small rivet-holes around the bottom opening, which indicates that this end was sealed. Some of the containers have one or two holes on the cylinder through which the content could have been poured. The remaining containers might have had a loose plug in one of the openings, which on one of the Russian containers (fig. 5) was locked with a peg. Two containers (C2 and C4) are open right through, which means that the content must have been kept in a piece of linen. The cylindrical Sigtuna container is also made of elk antler. Accordingly, the cross-section is oval, not round. Function and dating Only one T-shaped container, from Ilanz in Switzerland (Archaeological Journal 1847) (fig. 12), has been found with preserved contents: silver coins. It was, moreover, Cultural interaction between east and west. Archaeology, artefacts and human contacts in northern Europe during the pre- and early history. Eds. Ulf Fransson et al, Stockholm 2007. sealed with silver plates. This container is an old find from the beginning of 19th century and it belongs to the older group of containers. The function as a container for coins/purse and jewellery remains an interpretation that still crops up in connection with the group 4 containers (e.g. von Müller & Müller-Muči 1987:57). In my opinion the most likely explanation is that the use of the Ilanz container as a purse is secondary. Another old interpretation is that it functioned as a part of a harness or bridle (e.g. Grimm 1957:248). The most frequent interpretation is, however, as a container for salt, spices and medicinal herbs, which all have in common that they need to be kept dry. A comparison can be made with a considerably later phenomenon – gunpowder – a product that quite obviously needs to be kept dry. During the Renaissance, richly decorated bifurcated powder-flasks became an essential part of the male personal outfit among the aristocracy. A beautiful powderflask could make the owner a highly esteemed person (Brøns 1994). These flasks were made of red deer antler, of the same part of the horn as the T-shaped containers. The parallel is obvious and has previously been stated by, for instance, Piaszykówna (1951:122) and Grimm (1957:248f). The T-shaped containers, by means of stratigraphy and style, have been dated to the late 10th and 11th centuries. The cylindrical containers are contemporary with the Tshaped containers. Decoration The decoration on the Slavic T-shaped containers is in most cases irregular and does not cover the whole object. The ornament is incised free-hand with a knife and gives an impression of being hastily executed, sometimes even unfinished and lacking composition. Loosely combined signs and symbols occur, including rhomboids, ring-anddot, interlaced ribbons, double and triple hatchings, zigzag ribbons, curved lines, scattered symbols, etc. (fig. 11). In particular, zig-zag decoration around the edges is a common trait on many containers and it is a trait that is inherited from the older group of containers, e.g. those from Ilanz (fig. 12). There are, however, exceptions, such as for instance the elegant geometrical decoration on one of the Berlin-Spandau containers (T5) (fig. 9). The Havelberg container (T6) has a similar, but carelessly-executed, decoration. One of the Ukrainian containers has an incised Russian princely (Rurikides) emblem (T16). The decoration on the Sigtuna container is, on the other hand, of a higher calibre and is both well composed and covers all surfaces. The composition is different on each side: a ring-knot with triangular central feature caused by the returns of three sets of paired loops, and a closely woven irregular plait with pointed tips. Close inspection reveals major mistakes in calculating sufficient space for the loops and a faulty plait count which leaves most strands unresolved. The connection on the shoulders is also executed in a haphazard way, though leaf-like spaces might be intended (fig. 3). Four small rivet-holes are regularly placed around each of the side openings. There are no suspension holes at the upper opening. The outer surface gives a somewhat worn impression (fig. 2). The interlaced ribbons are double-contoured and filled with a pattern of cross-hatched lines. The upper opening is edged by a zig-zag decoration of dotted and plain triangles, while the side openings are edged by a cross-hatched step pattern. The overall impression of the decoration is that it is related more to the cylindrical containers than to the other T-shaped containers. The style has been characterized as ʼeverydayʼ Mammen as found on domestic items. Characteristics include the ring-knot with three sets 231 Fig. 10. Tshaped container together with a semi-manufacture, Ostrów Lednicki, Poland (T11 and TS9) (After Kola & Wilke 2000). Fig. 11. Tshaped container, Zawodzie, Poland (T13) (After Piaszykówna 1951). Fig. 12. Tshaped container, Ilanz, Switzerland (After Archaeological Journal IV, 1847). Fig. 13. Cylindrical container C3. Årnes, Norway (After Graham-Campbell 1980). 232 Cultural interaction between east and west. Archaeology, artefacts and human contacts in northern Europe during the pre- and early history. Eds. Ulf Fransson et al, Stockholm 2007. of double-loops and triangular inner motif, tightly woven plait-work, extended loop-tips that give an appearance of bifurcations, extensions trailing off into an adjoining motif, and cross-hatching as a cheap imitation of pelleting. The central part of a very similar ring-knot with three sets of double loops, but no hatching, was begun on the bronze basin from Hørning, Jutland (Voss 1991:199, fig. 20). Voss relates this to the animal-interlace on a group of Mammen gold filigree disc brooches such as that from Hornelund, Denmark (Graham-Campbell 1980: no. 142) and a bronze disc-brooch patrix die from Sigtuna (Jansson 1991: fig. 15), in turn related to Duczkoʼs Hiddensee group (cf. below). Less exotic parallels can be traced in the purely geometric decoration in Borre-Mammen style popular in Slavic areas and the western Viking colonies (the above characterization by Uaininn O´Meadhra, pers. comm.). All this suggests that the Sigtuna container should date to before the middle of the 12th century. The zig-zag edging and the rivet-holes are nevertheless common to most of the T-shaped containers. The decoration on the cylindrical containers in most cases covers the whole object and is well done and carefully composed. The container from Årnes in Norway (C3) (fig. 13) is decorated in true Mammen style (Fuglesang 1991:91), a style associated with the Danish king and in circles near the king. Two more containers (C4 and C6) are connected with this exclusive style. Another is decorated in Ringerike style (Graham-Campbell 1980: no. 500) (C5). The Russian containers (C7 and C8) (fig. 5) are covered with geometric patterns and differ in this way from the ʻScandinavianʼ containers. This holds also for the Ukrainian container (C9) (fig. 14), with its ʻfriezeʼ of wandering animals influenced by Byzantine art. Nevertheless the four rivet-holes and the zig-zag ornament around the bottom edge are traits characteristic of both T-shaped and cylindrical containers. The decoration on the cylindrical Sigtuna container (C1) (fig. 7) is inversely related to the Slavic T-shaped containers. It has a kind of zig-zag edge around both ends. The ornamentation does not cover the whole object; it is irregular and somewhat casually put together. On one side a cross is made up of curved lines and on the other side there is what appears to be a swastika made up of interlaced quadrangles (cf. T13/fig. 11) and additional rudimentary ornament. Salt and Prestige Salt – production and trade Salt was already being produced in southern Scandinavia during the Iron Age, but continuous large-scale production did not come about before the 13th century. During the 12th century when the herring industry greatly increased, abundant salt resources from the salt-works in Lüneburg became a necessity. Intensified urbanization and international trade during the 13th century continuously expanded the demand for salt. Salt – together with spices, hops, wine, clothes and fish – became one of the most important goods imported into Scandinavia during the Middle Ages. From written sources it is known that imported salt from e.g. Lüneburg and southwest France was predominant in medieval Sweden (Vellev 1996) Salt had an exorcist function in Roman rites, and this practice was later taken over by the ancient church. Salt was used in connection with the preparation of holy water, the inauguration of altars and at baptism. When a child was presented at the font, a few grains of salt were placed on the tongue of the catechumen (Braun 1924:307). From Swedish 13th century laws it is known that the parents were expected to bring this salt to the church. Evidently the supply of salt, even in the Swedish countryside, was adequate enough and the price so low that it was possible for ordinary people to access it. Prestige and dynastic alliances The group of salt containers that have been discussed in this article have mainly been dated to late 10th and 11th century, which is before any large-scale production of salt had begun in Scandinavia and before the import of salt had begun to any large extent. At this point in time salt may therefore have been a rare and expensive commodity reserved exclusively for the top level of society. Hence, it can be assumed that the very possession of salt, kept in a container especially made for this purpose, could have been an expression of prestige. Salt has also in all periods been associated with magical powers. The Roman author Pliny the Elder used the Latin phrase ʻcum grano salisʼ in 77 A.D. in connection with a description of an antidote to poison, whereby figs and walnuts were pounded together ʼwith a grain of saltʼ. The same could also be applied to the use of salt in ritual contexts, e.g. salt as a symbol for eternal life. To offer salt and bread to a guest is a very old and widespread gesture to seal a pact of friendship. To welcome a prince with salt and bread was a way of paying respect to a superior. Such ideas could also have been applied to the salt kept in the containers discussed in this article, but a more thorough exploration of this question lies beyond the scope of this article. A large share of the oldest T-shaped containers (group 1) have been found in Avar warrior graves, which indicates the social context in which the containers originally flourished. The aristocratic environment is also a characteristic of the containers found in Slavic hill-forts in Bohemia, Slovakia and The Czech Republic (group 2). Practically all Slavic containers from north-eastern Germany, east of the Elbe (group 4), have been found in connection with fortified island settlements. The aristocratic and, in certain cases, princely contexts of the finds have been emphasized by several authors (Becker 1980; von Müller 1991). Within some of these settlements pagan temples have been documented. The small number of T-shaped containers also indicates that these objects were exclusive. The seemingly hastily executed decoration on most containers is, however, something that speaks against the aristocratic connection. The symbolic meaning of many of the ornaments may, on the other hand, have been significant in this regard. The T-shaped Sigtuna container and some of the cylindrical containers are decorated in a style connected with the Danish kings. The Danish element in the Sigtuna material has been previously observed by Ingmar Jansson (1991:280f) and later developed by Wladyslaw Duczko (1995). A gold pendant of Hiddensee type and a bronze patrix die for such a pendant, both found at Sigtuna, are the products of highly specialized goldsmiths working for the Danish kings during the late 10th century. The gold pendant is a very high quality object and belongs to a very rare type. The nearest equivalent is a gold pendant found in Fyrkat, one of the Danish kingʼs circular fortresses. The patrix die indicates that one of these highly specialized goldsmiths actually worked in Sigtuna. A swordhilt made of elk antler with ornamentation in characteristic Mammen style, one of a very few in Sweden, is another very exclusive object. A sword with a hilt like this cannot, for natural reasons, have been intended to be used for fighting. Rather, it must have been a prestigious weapon that was proudly displayed. All these objects are the material remains of the political influence in Sigtuna of the Danish monarchy in the time of Harald Gormsson (Bluetooth) and his son Sven (Forkbeard) (Jansson 1991:279). Cultural interaction between east and west. Archaeology, artefacts and human contacts in northern Europe during the pre- and early history. Eds. Ulf Fransson et al, Stockholm 2007. Fig. 14. Cylindrical container C9. Vernij Dsaltov, Ukraine (After Archeologija Ukrainskoji RSR. 1975). Duczko considers this influence to have been indirect, and that the political power responsible for the foundation of the town of Sigtuna originated from the Swedish province Östergötland, by chieftains who acknowledged the supremacy of Harald Bluetooth (1995:648). The Obotrite connection Ever since the marriage of Harald Bluetooth to Tove, daughter of the Obotrite prince Mistivoj, the Danish kingdom was politically allied with the kingdom of the Obotrites. The alliance was directed against the German empire and the Polish kingdom. The kingdom of the Obotrites was the most powerful among the west Slavic tribes. As distinct from most other tribes, the Obotrite kingdom was for long periods a Christian kingdom. This is the main reason for the permanent fight for supremacy between the Christian kingdom of the Obotrites and the other west Slavic tribes that were based on an older political and religious system. The Swedish king Olof Eriksson (Skötkonung) (king 995–1022) was married to the Obotrite princess Estrid, mother of Anund Jakob (king 1022–1050) and Ingegerd (married to prince Jaroslav the Wise of the Kiev-Rusʼ). Duczko interprets this dynastic alliance as consciously planned by the Danish king, Sven (Forkbeard). The aim was to bind the Svear closer to Denmark and Svenʼs aspiration was to maintain supremacy over his Nordic neighbours (Duczko 1995:633). Olofʼs father, Erik (Segersäll), was married to the Polish princess Gunhild, who after the death of Erik married king Sven (Forkbeard), which was a clear act of expressing supremacy over the Svear. Before king Olof was married to Estrid, he had an Obotrite concubine named Edla. She was the daugther of a jarl and mother to the Swedish king Edmund (king 1050–1060) and Astrid (married to king Olav Haraldsson in Norway). It is quite possible that Edmund was brought up at the Obotrite court before he took power after king Anund Jakob (Roslund 1990:61). Hence, on a dynastic level, the Swedish-Obotrite connections seem to have been especially well developed during the first half of the 11th century. There are also certain objects found in Sigtuna that confirm these contacts, but on a different level (Roslund 1990). As mentioned above, almost half of the T-shaped containers have been found in Mecklenburg and in the north of Mark Brandenburg, a territory inhabited by west Slavic tribes and among which the Obotrites were the most powerful. From the above discussion, it follows that the Tshaped Sigtuna container, which obviously was made in Sigtuna, might be seen as an expression of the cultural connections to which the dynastic alliances led. Slavic craftsmen may have come to Sigtuna as a part of the entourage of the Obotrite princesses. In Sigtuna one of these craftsmen converted his knowledge of how to make a salt container to a new material, elk antler. One is tempted to imagine that it was one of the Obotrite royal ladies in Sig- 233 Fig. 15. Antler, red deer (After Becker 1989). 234 Cultural interaction between east and west. Archaeology, artefacts and human contacts in northern Europe during the pre- and early history. Eds. Ulf Fransson et al, Stockholm 2007. tuna who placed the order. With this exclusive object decorated in a prestigious style, she could walk proudly on the main street, Stora Gatan. How to explain the cylindrical Sigtuna container is another story. Maybe the inscribed cross gives a hint that it had been used in an ecclesiastical context. However, both objects clearly demonstrate Sigtunaʼs wide-ranging European contacts during the first half of the 11th century. They also demonstrate the importance of salt as a prestige commodity before its industrial production and distribution. References Andersson, L. 1998. Jarlabankeättens runstensbro. Bratt, P. (ed.), Forntid i ny dager. Arkeologi i Stockholmstrakten, pp. 240–250. Stockholm. Archaeological Journal IV, 1847. Archeologija Ukrainskoji RSR. 1975. Tom 3. Kyïv. Becker, C. 1989. Die Geweihfunde vom Spandauer Burgwall. (eds.), von Müller, A. & von MüllerMuči. Ausgrabungen, Funde und Naturwissenschaftliche Untersuchungen auf dem Burgwall in Berlin-Spandau. Berliner Beiträge zur Vor- und Frühgeschichte N.F. Bd. 6. / Archäologisch-historische Forschungen in Spandau; Bd. 3,101–140. Berlin. Becker, D. 1980. Ein verzierter Geweihbehälter von Parchim. Ausgrabungen und Funde 25, Heft 3, (1980), Institut für Vor- und Frühgeschichte, 161–165. – 1981. Die slawische Inselsiedlung im Trenntsee, Gemarkung Pastin, Kreis Sternberg. Bodendenkmalpflege in Mecklenburg, Jahrbuch 1980, 209–229. Berlin. Braun, J. 1924. Der christliche Altar in seiner geschichtlichen Entwicklung. München. Brøns, A. 1994. Krudthorn. Powder horns from Danish collections. Vaaben historisk Aarbog XXXIX. København. Cnotliwy, E. 1973. Rzemioslo rogownicze na Pomorzu wczesnos´redniowiesznym. Polska Akademia Nauk. Institut Historii Kultury Materialnej, Wroclaw-Warszawa-Kraków-Gdansk. Corpus archäologischer Quellen zur Frühgegschichte auf dem Gebiet det Deutschen Demokratischen Republik (7. bis 12. Jahrhundert), 1973 and 1979. (eds.), Herrmann, J. & Donat, P. Textband & Tafelteil. Berlin. Drevnij Novgorod. Prijkladnoe iskusstvo i archeologija, 1985. Moskva. Dovženok, V. J., Gončarov, V. K. & Jura, P. O. 1966. Drevnjorusʼke Misto Voinʼ. Kyïv. Duczko, W. 1995. Kungar thegnar, tegnebyar, juveler och silverskatter. Om danskt inflytande under sen vikingatid. Tor 27, 625–662. Uppsala. Floderus, E.1941. Sigtuna. Sveriges äldsta medeltidsstad. Fuglesang, S. H. 1991. The axehead from Mammen and the Mammen style. Iversen, M. (ed.), Mammen. Grav, kunst og samfund i vikingetid. Jysk Arkæologisk Selskabs Skrifter XXVIII, 83–107. Højbjerg. Graham-Campbell, J. 1980. Viking Artefacts. A Select Catalogue. London. Grimm, P. 1957. Ein frühgeschichtliches Geweihgerät aus Havelberg. Ausgrabungen und Funde Band 2 (1957), Institut für Vor- und Frühgeschichte, 246–249. Berlin. Hagen, J. O. v. d. 1911. Der Fergitzer Burgwall. Mannus Zeitschrift für Vorgeschichte, Bd. III. Würzburg. Herrmann, J. 1985. Die Slawen in Deutschland. Geschichte und Kultur der slawischen Stämme Acknowledgements: Wladyslaw Duczko, Uppsala and Fedir Androshchuk, Stockholm/Kyïv for information about Slavic salt containers and translation of texts, Heide Eilbracht, Berlin for help with articles about German T-shaped containers. Marcin Woloszyn, Krakow for information about a new article by SchulzeDörrlamm. Else Roesdahl, Aarhus, Anne Pedersen, København, Mats Roslund, Lund and Göran Tegnér, Stockholm for useful information on the existence or non-existence of containers. Uaininn O´Meadhra, Stockholm for describing the style of the Sigtuna T-shaped container and Jacques Vincent, Stockholm for drawing the decoration of the Sigtuna containers. westlich von Oder und Neisse vom 6. bis 12 Jahrhunder, pp. 75–95. Berlin. Jansson, I. 1991. År 970/971 och vikingatidens kronologi. Iversen, M. (ed.), Mammen. Grav, kunst og samfund i vikingetid. Jysk Arkæologisk Selskabs Skrifter XXVIII, 267–284. Højbjerg. Kola, A. & Wilke, G. 2000. Brücken vor 1000 Jahren. Unterwasserarchäologie bei der polnischen Herrscherpfalz Ostrów Lednicki. Torun. von Müller, A. 1991. Spandau - slawischer Fürstensitz und Fernhandelsplatz. Archäologie in Deutschland 1991:2:26–30. von Müller, A. & Müller-Muči, K.1987. Ausgrabungen und Funde auf dem Burgwall in BerlinSpandau. Berliner Beiträge zur Vor- und Frühgeschichte N.F. Bd. 5. / Archäologisch-historische Forschungen in Spandau; Bd. 2. Berlin. – 1993. Ein weiterer Geweihbehälter vom Burgwall Spandau. von Müller, A., von Müller-Muči, K. & Nekuda, V. (eds.), Die Keramik vom Burgwall in Berlin-Spandau. Ausgrabungen und Keramik auf dem Burgwall in Berlin-Spandau. Berliner Beiträge zur Vor- und Frühgeschichte N.F. Bd. 8 / Archäologisch-historische Forschungen in Spandau; Bd. 4. Berlin. Nerman, B. 1954. Penningväska från yngre järnåldern? Smärre meddelanden: Hammare eller penningväska?, Fornvännen 1954:1, 54–56. Stockholm. Oldeberg, A. 1954. Hammare från bronsåldern? Smärre meddelanden: Hammare eller penningväska?, Fornvännen 1954:1, 52–53. Stockholm. Piaszykówna, M. 1951. Zagadkowy przedmiot rogowy ze zbiorów Muzeum Miejskiego w Kaliszu. Przeglad Archeologiczny, Tom IX, Zeszyt I, Rocznik 26 (1950), 116–123. Poznan. Profantová, N. 1992. Awarische Funde aus den Gebieten nördlich der awarischen Siedlungsgrenzen. Daim, F. (ed.) Awarenforschungen Band 2, Institut für Frühgeschichte der Universität Wien, 605–802. Roesdahl et al (eds.). 1981. Vikingerne i England (exhibition catalogue). London. Romero, E. M. 1991. Arte vikingo en Espana. Revista de archueologia, no 121 (1991). Roslund, M. 1990. Kulturkontakter och varuutbyte 970–1200. Tesch, S. (ed.), Makt och människor i Kungens Sigtuna. Sigtunautgrävningen 1988–90, 53–61. Sigtuna. – 2001. Gäster i huset. Kulturell överföring mellan slaver och skandinaver 900 till 1300. Lund. Schoeknecht, U. 1993. Neue Funde und Befunde von der jungslawischen Burgwallinsel Vipperow, Kreis Röbel. Bodendenkmalpflege in Mecklenburg-Vorpommern, Jahrbuch 1992, 213–260. Lübstorf. Schulze-Dörrlamm, Mechtild. 2003. Herkunft und Funktion der dreizpfligen Geweihbehälter des Frühen und Hohen Mittelalters. Jahrbuch des Römish-Germanischen Zentralmuseums Mainz, 48 Teil 2:529–557. Mainz-Bonn. Skamby Madsen, J. 1994. The Danish Vikings. Royal Danish Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Secretariat for Cultural and Press Relations. Copenhagen. Tesch, S. 1996a. Äntligen hemma. Offergåvor och husplattformar vid Mälarens strand. Tesch, S. & Edberg, R. (eds.), Vikingars guld ur Mälarens djup. Tio artiklar med anledning av en utställning, 13–20. Sigtuna. – 1996b. Sigtuna - Royal stronghold and early town. Lars Nilsson and Sven Lilja (eds.), The Emergence of Towns: Archaeology and Early Urbanization in Non-Roman, North-West Europe. The Swedish Institute of Urban History 75 years anniversary symposium, 113–126. Stockholm. – 2001. Houses, Town Yards and Town Planning in Late Viking Age and Medieval Sigtuna, Sweden. Gläser, M. (ed.), Lübecker Kolloquium zur Stadtarchäologie III, Der Hausbau, 723–741. Lübeck. – 2004. Stadsplan och stadsbyggnad i Sigtuna och Kiev/Town planning and town building in Sigtuna and Kiev. Olga & Ingegerd – Vikingafurstinnor i öst/Viking Princesses. Historiska Nyheter, Statens Historiska Museum, 30–35. Stockholm Vellev, J. 1996.Saltproduktion på Læsö, i Danmark og i Europa. Højbjerg. Voss, O. 1991. Hørninggraven. Iversen, M. (ed.), Mammen. Grav, kunst og samfund i vikingetid. Jysk Arkæologisk Selskabs Skrifter XXVIII, 189–203. Højbjerg. Zak, J. 1963. ”Importy” skandynawskie na ziemiach zachodnioslowianskich od IX do XI wieku. Poznanskie Towarzystwo przyjaciol nauk. Wydzial historii i nauk spolecznych prace komisji archeologicznej, tom VI - zeszyt 1. Poznan. Cultural interaction between east and west. Archaeology, artefacts and human contacts in northern Europe during the pre- and early history. Eds. Ulf Fransson et al, Stockholm 2007. T-shaped containers: No T1 Country Sweden Site Sigtuna Dating 11th cent. Literature Tesch 1996 11th c, last 2/3 Becker 1989 11th c, last 2/3 Becker 1989 12th c, first 1/2 Becker 1989 11th c, last 1/3 von Müller ...1993 Wollin Zawodzie (Kalisz) Nowosiólka Type of site Urban settlement Fortified island settlement Fortified island settlement Fortified island settlement Fortified island settlement Fortified island settlement Bog Fortified island settlement Fortified island settlement Fortified island settlement Fortified island settlement Urban settlement Hillfort xxx T2 Germany Berlin-Spandau T3 Germany Berlin-Spandau T4 Germany Berlin-Spandau T5 Germany Berlin-Spandau T6 Germany Havelberg T7 Germany Mallin T8 Germany Pastin (Trenntsee) T9 Germany Alt Ruppin (Ruppiner See) T10? Germany Vipperow T11 Poland Ostrów Lednicki T12 T13 T14 Poland Poland Belarus T15 Russia Novgorod Urban settlement 13th cent. T16 T17 T18 T19 T20 Ukraine Ukraine Ukraine Ukraine Ukraine Paljanivščina Voinʼ Voinʼ Voinʼ Voinʼ Urban(?) Urban(?) Urban(?) Urban(?) Urban(?) 10–13th 10–13th 10–13th 10–13th 10–13th No Country Site TS1 Germany Berlin-Spandau TS2 Germany Berlin-Spandau TS3 Germany Berlin-Spandau TS 4 Germany Berlin-Spandau TS5 Germany Fergitz TS6 Germany Lychow TS7 Germany Quetzin TS8 Germany Waren Type of site Fortified island settlement Fortified island settlement Fortified island settlement Fortified island settlement Fortified island settlement xxx Fortified island settlement xxx settlement Fortified island settlement Urban settlement Urban(?) settlement T-shaped semi.manufactures: TS9 Poland Ostrów Lednicki TS10 TS11 Poland Ukraine Wollin Voinʼ settlement settlement settlement settlement settlement 11th cent. Grimm 1957 11–12th cent. Corpus... 1979 11th cent. Becker 1981 xxx Corpus... 1979 10–12th cent. Schoeknecht 1993 966–1038 AD Kola & Wilke 2000 11th cent.? 11th cent.? xxx Cnotliwy 1973 Piaszykówna 1951 Piaszykówna 1951 Drevnij Novgorod 1985 Dovženok et al 1966 Dovženok et al 1966 Dovženok et al 1966 Dovženok et al 1966 Dovženok et al 1966 cent. cent. cent. cent. cent. Dating Literature 11th c, last 2/3 von Müller ... 1987 11th cent. von Müller ... 1987 11th cent. von Müller ... 1987 11th cent. von Müller ... 1987 11th cent. v. d. Hagen 1911 xxx Becker 1980 11–12th cent. Becker 1980 xxx Corpus... 1979 11th c, early Kola & Wilke 2000 11th cent.? 10–13th cent. Cnotliwy 1973 Dovženok et al 1966 Literature Floderus 1941 Andersson 1998, 1999 Graham-Campbell 1980 Cylindrical containers: No C1 Country Sweden Site Sigtuna Type of site Urban settlement Dating 11th cent.? C2? Sweden Broby bro (Täby sn) Grave 11th c early C3 Norway Årnes Depot/grave c. 1000 C4 Spain Leon (Cloister museum) xxx c. 1000 C5 England St Martin-Le-Grand xxx 11th c, early C6? England Sawdon xxx 11th c, early C7 Russia Novgorod Urban settlement 12th cent. C8 Russia Novgorod Urban settlement 10th cent. C9 Ukraine Verchnij Saltov Urban(?) settlement 9–10th cent. Skamby-Madsen 1994 Graham-Campbell 1980 Roesdahl et al 1981 Drevnij Novgorod 1985 Drevnij Novgorod 1985 Archeologija Ukr.. 1975 235